BY RADHIKA RAMASESHAN AND
THE TELEGRAPH RANCHI BUREAU
April 28: The JMM-led government in Jharkhand was reduced to a minority today after the BJP withdrew support to avenge the humiliation heaped by chief minister Shibu Soren who voted with the Congress yesterday and supped with Nitin Gadkari within a few hours.
As the Congress suggested it preferred a short spell of President’s rule in the Maoist-infested state, the JMM went on the defensive late tonight and claimed that Soren’s vote was cast by “mistake”.
Hemant, Soren’s son, expressed regret to the BJP leadership for his father’s “error”. He claimed the chief minister was ready to resign and urged the NDA to take a fresh initiative to form a government with a new leader.
The BJP leadership insisted that deputy chief minister Raghubar Das would meet governor M..H. Farook tomorrow to formally withdraw support, but it also appeared to be keeping its options open.
Asked whether Hemant’s “offer” would prompt a rethink, senior leader Venkaiah Naidu said: “We can hear out the father and son. We are going to meet the governor tomorrow. But we will also discuss with the party’s state unit and get a sense of what they feel.”
Hemant said the state wasn’t ready to face another poll. “The JMM is ready to make a sacrifice for Guruji’s (Soren’s) mistake,” he said.
Several senior leaders from the state, including MPs Yashwant Sinha and Arjun Munda, are opposed to striking another deal with Soren but deputy chief minister Das, who has the support of the BJP’s 18 MLAs, is said to be in favour of continuing the alliance.
One formula being floated is to let Das take over as chief minister and let Hemant become his deputy. The elder Soren has to get elected to the Assembly in less than two months but so far, he was unable to find a safe seat.
However, the BJP leadership in Delhi is wary of a fresh deal. Some leaders feel Soren and the Congress have already struck a deal but are not going public immediately.
After the BJP’s pullout, the ruling coalition has been reduced to 28 from 46 in a House of 82.
Vote & dinner shock
Whatever the outcome of the current instability, the BJP has come out badly bruised from the cut-motion misadventure. A Delhi meeting, headed by party chief Nitin Gadkari, was quick to decide to withdraw support.
Other BJP leaders are still struggling to come to terms with the “betrayal”. Lok Sabha Opposition leader Sushma Swaraj said she was specifically told by L.K. Advani that she should ensure Soren did not turn up to vote. In 1999, the Vajpayee-led government was voted out on a single ballot cast by Giridhar Gamang.
So Advani said Soren should make himself scarce. “I told him that if he comes on his own and if his one vote is as useful as Gamang’s was to the Congress, we should allow him to press the button. But that was half in jest,” Sushma said.
Sushma said she did not see Soren “sneak” into the House. But a sharp-eyed Nishikant Dubey, the Godda MP from the BJP, spotted Soren pressing the red button to negate the BJP-sponsored motion. Sushma’s jaw dropped when she was informed.
Then the machine packed up and voting on slips began. Dubey, a first-time MP, went up to Soren, a veteran, to advise him to vote on the right slip. “He said, ‘Yes, yes, I probably made a mistake the first time’. But he sought the red slip,” a BJP leader said.
Sushma tried to trace him after voting and was in for another shock. Soren was dining at the residence of BJP president Nitin Gadkari. “She was taken aback. He had just voted against the BJP and then he coolly ate with the party chief,” a leader said.
Around 9pm, Gadkari had no idea of what had happened.
This morning, when the BJP’s parliamentary board met in Sushma’s official chamber, Gadkari, who apparently looked a bit “sheepish”, called Soren a “masterly actor”.
The rest agreed.
‘Daulat ki beti’ and `Murti Devi’ is UPA’s darling now – but for how long ?!!
From India Syndicate
By R Shankar
April 28, 2010: On March 15, when Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati was presented a garland of cash worth Rs 21 lakh (according to the Congress) to mark the 25th anniversary of the Bahujan Samaj Party, the Congress slammed her.
AICC general secretary Digvijay Singh, who is incharge of UP, had described Mayawati thus: She is no longer `Dalit ki beti’ (daughter of dalits) but daulat ki beti (daughter of wealth).
Singh had alleged that the BSP was extracting money through illegal means in the name of party fund. Questioning the source of such huge sums of money to create the garland, Singh had demanded that a “thorough probe” is required into all the aspect of the matter.
Then, on April 14, on Ambedkar jayanti, Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi had directly accused the Mayawati government of misusing central government funds. The money given by Delhi for the poor in Uttar Pradesh stops at Lucknow and does not reach the needy, he had said.
Eight days later, on April 22, Congress party spokesperson Abhishek Singhvi had dubbed Mayawati as as “Murtidevi” (Goddess of statues) for her “outrageous reaction” on the non-availability of funds with the state government to implement the Right to Education (RTE) Act and that the Centre should provide the money.
He had said that BSP government had money to spend on statues and memorials but not for funding the education of children. “It reflects the thinking of Mayawati which is non-development, anti-people and anti-children,” the spokesman had said, adding “it was a negative mindset”.
But today, daulat ki beti and Murtidevi is a `friend’ of the Congress. It was Murtidevi who bailed out the UPA government over the cut motion moved by the Opposition over the hike on fuel prices.
How did the Congress suddenly start worshipping Murtidevi?
Though the official line of the Congress is that there was no deal, sources point out that there was indeed a deal. Without a deal, Mayawati would never move an inch, let alone make a U-turn.
Mayawati’s change of heart came just days after the CBI also had a change of heart. The investigating agency had told the Supreme Court that it was ready to reconsider the UP CM’s plea to close the investigation into her disproportionate assets case. In August, another crucial case against Mayawati is to come up – on her role in the misuse of DA.
Mayawati too demanded her pound of flesh. Her main demand was that the Congress should ask Rahul Gandhi to tone down his rhetoric against the UP government. Also worrying Maya is the 10 yatras that Rahul Gandhi had flagged off on April 14. The rath yatras that the Congress launched from Ambedkarnagar constitute the most ambitious exercise the party has ever undertaken to capture UP’s political mindspace.
The 10 yatras will be spread out over 103 days, and each will last 90 days. Between them, they will reach every one of the state’s 403 Assembly constituencies.
Probably it is now time for the raths to apply the breaks.
Though some in the Congress did expect the BSP to abstain from voting and thus bail out the UPA government over the cut motion issue, the sudden announcement of support by Mayawati herself in Lucknow caught many off guard. The BSP leader announced in Lucknow that she would not just abstain but she would “vote” with the government as she’s worried about “communal forces.”
Many see it as Mayawati’s way of getting back the crucial Muslim vote bank, now split between Mulayam Singh’s SP and the Congress. Mayawati had been CM thrice with BJP support. Mayawati has also campaigned for Narendra Modi in Gujarat. With elections coming up in 2012, Maya is probably doing some recalibration and a course correction.
Some in the Congress feel that Maya may also be sending out a signal on a possible tie-up so that the dalit and Muslim votes do not get split.
Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mulayam Singh too abstained and saved the UPA by taking the stand that they do not want to be seen voting along with the BJP. But on Feb 27, soon after Pranab Mukherjee announced a price increase for petroleum products, Lalu’s RJD and Mulayam’s SP walked out with the BJP and were seen holding hands together while announcing a nationwide agitation.
The cut motion, ironically, was on reducing the fuel price. But this time, Lalu and Mulayan find the BJP too communal in nature.
According to The Indian Express, the SP has been keen to distance itself from the Congress and look for space outside the Congress and the BSP after Amar Singh’s departure. The pro-Left positioning may have been adopted to help get some space now hard to secure in the complicating picture that UP presents as the battle begins to appear bi-polar, a choice between the BSP and Congress in the run-up to the Assembly polls in 2012.
The SP and the RJD are lost without power both at the Centre and in their state. They have noted that the “fourth front” did not work in the 2009 polls and are keen to not go “too far” politically from the UPA. A toehold in the Centre is better than nothing.
The RJD, with four MPs and an increasingly uncertain future, is keen to work on an alliance for the state elections due in a few months. Not wanting to be seen going against the Congress or the Left may mean a hope for some sort of electoral arrangement with either or both? Wanting to keep their Muslim constituents on board could be a common factor in not queering the anti-UPA pitch too high.
Sources said that while Lalu was more inclined to vote against the UPA, Mulayam argued that the SP could not be seen to vote with the BJP. To buttress this point, Mulayam is learnt to have recounted his experience of Kalyan Singh saying that their association turned out to be too costly in the Lok Sabha elections. He is learnt to have told Lalu how his bahu (Dimple Yadav) lost to Congress in the Ferozabad by-polls as Muslims deserted him because of Kalyan Singh.
Mulayam, sources said, quoted Ram Manohar Lohia to Lalu that smaller parties need to demonstrate “flexibility and pragmatism” when allied with large parties.
But a key factor in the equation is the Women’s Bill, which hangs like a sword on the heads of both the Yadavs in the 15th Lok Sabha. Both are aware that now that it has been passed by the Rajya Sabha, and with the Congress, BJP and Left supportive of it, the chances of the Bill being introduced in the Lok Sabha suddenly, are high. The one way to ensure that it is not brought to the Lok Sabha is to ensure the Congress of a smooth run on all other issues.
The SP has, on at least three other occasions, in 1999 when the Congress was in the running to form an alternative government, then in 2002 on Kalam’s candidature for the Presidentship and then again in 2008 on the nuclear deal, worked out deals abandoning Third Front constituents and somersaulting very visibly. This time, too, bailing the UPA out is not anything that embodies a break from the past.
However, this time, with Mayawati too having actively walked into support the Centre, it may again complicate any sense of political space or identity that the SP may want to carve out in UP.
Also, despite hopes of a political alliance that Lalu Prasad may have, with Rahul Gandhi having plans of leaving his imprint on Bihar as well, chances of a tie-up are very limited, if at all. Ironically, but, it was a combination of Kalyan Singh and Lohia’s principles that made SP chief Mulayam Singh and Lalu Prasad to beat a hasty retreat leaving the Left parties in lurch during the cut motion against the UPA II.
With the 13-party grouping that they had stitched together faltering after the surprise turnaround by Mulayam Singh Yadav and Lalu Prasad, the Left on Tuesday felt that the Yadav duo’s cleverly orchestrated walkout that helped the government defeat the cut motions was “extremely unfortunate”.
While the Left was soft on Mulayam and Lalu owing to the political compulsions, it attacked the Congress for managing the numbers. Referring to the BSP’s surprise decision to support the government, Yechury said the ruling party had shown its “expertise in finding out who is vulnerable, when and where”.